Account by Martin Fernandez de Enciza. Dated 1518. A Short Description of the River of Marannon or Amazones, and the Countries Thereabout, as also of the Sea of Fresh-water, taken out of an ancient Discourse of all the Portes, Creekes, and Havens of the West Indies. pp. 19-22 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
In this country they eate bread of rootes, and Maiz, and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas, but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes, and being rawe they have a smell of Chestnuts: they are to be eaten roasted. These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees, which fruit is yellow in colour, and is as great as a little Doves egge, and being in season is good to be eaten, and of it proceedeth good wine, and is preserved for a long time (pp. 20-21).
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Account by Thomas Grigs. Date uncertain. Certaine Notes of the Voyage to Brasill with the Minion of London [Stephen Hare expedition] aforesaid, in the yere 1580. pp. 34-39 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
Wee arrived at the yland of Santa Catelina, neere the entrance of Santos … Upon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees, but no fresh water is ther to be found … [we arrived at Santos] … The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beefe alive, which served for the victualling of the ship, and the refreshing of our men, and to make us the merrier at Shrovetide … [we sent a skiffe to] Alcatrarzas … and brought good store of great and good fish (pp. 34-35).
The 28[th] of April we laded sugars into our ships … the 11[th] day we went to fish, to make provision for our ship and men (p. 36).
From the head of the river of Plate, and from there chiefe townes there, they doe trade and trafique by land into Peru by waggons, and horses or mules (p. 38).
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Account by Francis Suares. Dated 1596. pp. 39-43 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
Vineger is solde for two and thirty, and sixe and thirty, and forty reals a jarre, by reason there is a great store of limmons and orenges in the country: but in Angola it is more woorth. Olives are solde for half a reall a piece: wherefore I hope to sell the hogshead [large barrell: in this case of olives] for twenty thousand reys (p. 42).
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Account by M. James Lancaster. Dated 1594. The well governed and prosperous voyage of M. James Lancaster, begun with three ships and a galley frigat from London in October 1594, and intended for Fernambuck, the port-towne of Olinda in Brasil. pp. 43-64 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
[The fort of Fernambuck attacked and taken] we found in it great stores of merchandizes of all sores: as Brasil-wood, sugars, calico-cloth, pepper, cynamon, cloves, mase [mace], nutmegs, with diverse other good things, to the great comfort of us all (p. 51).
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Anonymous Ruttier [Pilot’s log]. date uncertain. A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the Isle of Santa Catelina unto the mouth of the river of Plata, and all along up within the sayd river, and what armes and mouthes it hath to enter into it, as farre as it is navigable with small barks. pp. 96-101 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
From the Isle of Martina Garzia unto Sant Salvador is nine or tenne leagues … And this countrey is very well peopled by a people called Carios; and you must beware of all these people: for they are your deadly enemies. The most southernly mouth of Parana called Rio de Palmas is sixteene leagues long, and it hath many turnings, and many palme or date-trees growing neere it, whereupon it is called The river of palme trees (p. 99).
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Account by Sir Francis Drake. Date uncertain. The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South Sea, and Therehence About the Whole Globe of the Earth, begun in the Yeere of Our Lord, 1577. pp. 101-133 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
Upon those Islands called Mayo [NOTE: part of the Cape Verde Island group], there was a great store of dryed Cabritos [goats], which a few inhabitants there dwellings did yeerely make ready for such of the kings Ships as did there touch … Wee fell with this Island the 27[th] of January … the next day our Generall sent to view the Island … Here we gave our selves a litle refreshing, as by very ripe and sweete grapes, which the fruitfulness of the earth at that season of the yeere yeelded us: and that season being with us the depth of Winter, it may seeme strange that those fruites were then there growing … The Island is wonderfuly stored with goates and wilde hennes, and it hath salt also without labour, save onely that the people gather it into heapes … Amongst other things we found here a kind of fruit called Cocos, which because it is not commonly knowen with us in England, I thought good to make some description of it. The tree bearteh no leaves nor branches, but at the very top the fruit groweth in clusters, hard at the top of the stemme of the tree, as big every severall fruite as a mans head: but having taken off the uttermost barke, which you shall find to bee very full of strings or sinowes, as I may terme them, you shall come to a hard shell which may holde of quantity in liquor a pint commonly, or some a quart, and some lesse: within that shell of the thickness of half an inch good, you shall have a kind of hard substance and very white, no lesse good and sweete then almonds: within that again a certain cleare liquor, which being drunke, you shall not onely finde it very delicate and sweete, but most comfortable and cordiall. After wee had satisfied our selves with some of these fruites, wee marched further into the Island, and saw great store of Cabritos [goats] alive, which were so chased by the inhabitants, that wee could doe no good towards our provision, but they had layde out as it were to stoppe our mouthes withall, certain olde dryed Cabritos, which being but ill, and small and few, wee made no account of (pp. 103-105).
The 17[th] day of August we departed the port of S. Julian [eastern Patagonia in southern Argentina] and the 20[th] day we fell in with the streight or freat of Magellan … at the Cape or headland whereof we found the bodie of a dead man, whose flesh was clean consumed … This streight is extreme cold, with frost and snow continually; the trees seeme to stoope with the burden of the weather, and yet are green continually, and many good and sweete herbes doe very plentifully grow and increase under them … The 24[th] of August we arrived at an Island in the streights, where we found great store of foule which could not flie, one of the bigness of geese, whereof we killed in less then one day 3000 and victualled our selves throughly therewith (pp. 110-111).
We continuing our course [north along the coast of western south America we came to] … an island called la Mocha …We being on land, the people came downe to us to the water side with shew of great courtesie, bringing to us potatoes, rootes, and two very fat sheepe, which our Generall received and gave them other things for them … [we came to Valparizo] … When we came thither, we found indeede [a] ship riding at anker, having in her eight Spaniards and three Negroes, who thinking us to have bene Spaniards and their friends, welcommed us with a drumme, and made ready a Bottija of wine of Chili to drinke to us … [opposite Valparizo was the towne of S. Iago, a town not more than 9 households]…We found also in this towne a warehouse stored with wine of Chili, and many boords of Cedar-wood, all which wine we brought away with us … [from there to port Tarapaza] … Not farre from hence going on land for fresh water, we met with a Spaniard and an Indian boy briging 8 Llamas or sheepe of Peru which are as big as asses (pp. 113-115).
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Account by Nuno da Silva. Date uncertain. The relation of a voyage made by a Pilot called Nuno da Silva for the Vice-roy of New Spaine, the 20[th] of May, in the yere of our Lord 1579. in the Citie of Mexico, from whence it was sent to the Vice-roy of the Portugall-Indies: wherein is set downe the course and actions passed in the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake that took the aforesayd Nuno da Silva at S. Iago one of the Islands of Cabo Verde, and Carried himn along with him through the Streights of Magellan, to the Haven of Guatulcoin New Spaine, Where he let him goe again. pp. 133-147 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
The next day the [English] set saile and went to the … haven [port] of S. Iago, and entring therein, they tooke the said shippe, wherein they found a thousand seven hundred and 70 Botijas or Spanish pots full of wine, and other things: which having done, they lept on land, where they tooke certaine sackes with meale, with whatsoever they could find … they saw a barke [small ship] laden with fish, that belonged to the Spaniards, with foure Indians in it. This barke with the Indians and the fish they tooke, and bound the Spanish ship to their sterne, and so drew it after them, leaving the said Indians within it, who by night unbound the barke, and secretely made away with the barke and fish, and were no more seene … [the Captaine … saw certaine houses upn the shore, he made thither] … and there he found three thousand pezos of silver and seven Indian sheepe, and hennes, and tooke al whatsoever they found: wherewith they departed … And two dayes after they came to the haven called Arica, where they found two ships, the one laden with goods and Spanish wares, out of the which they tooke only two hundred Botijas, or Spanish pots with wine … [later] They next day being the first of Februarie, they met another ship that sailed to Panama, laden with fish and other victuals … [they passed Nicaragua and the Island of Canno and captured a ship] laden with Salsaperilla, and Botijas or pots with butter and hony, and with other things. The English Captaine went on boord, and cast the Salsaperilla on the land, leaving all the rest of the wares in the frigate … [they let me go at the port of Guatulco; the English sailed westward] (p. 138-146)
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Account of Edward Cliffe Mariner. Date unknown. The Voyage of M. John Winter into the South Sea by the Streight of Magellan, in Consort with M. Francis Drake, begun in the yeere 1577. By which Streight also he returned safely into England the second of June 1579. Contrary to the False Reports of the Spaniards Which Gave Out, that the said passage was not repasseable. pp. 148-162 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
We approached neere the island of Mayo [In the Cape Verde Island group] … And as wee marched through the island, about the middest thereof, we found one house having a garden belonging to it, in which wee found ripe grapes, also ripe gourds, and melons, in the most dead time of our Winter. Wee found also a tree which beareth the fruite Cocos, which is bigger then a mans head, having within the utter coate, which is about 3 inches thicke, a certaine neut as bigge as two fists, and hath within a white substance, cleaving fast to the shell, which is half an inche thick, very pleasant to taste, and within that a certaine hollowness or voyde place, wherein is contained a pure and pleasant water in taste, and as some thinke, marveilous comfortable. As we passed through this island and inhabitants fledde into the mountaines, so that we could have no talke with them. But we understood by the Portugals which came with us, that they were but servants to those of S. Iago, to keepe thir cattell and goates, which bee very plentifull in this island: but we found them [the animals] so wilde, that we could take none saving some yong kiddes…The Portugales had salted their Welles neere to the sea, so that we could not water … [we reached the isle of Fogo], so called, because it casteth continually flames of fire and smoake out of the top thereof, all the whole island being one high mountaine … Two leagues West … is another island called Brava … Here the Generall discharged the Portugals, giving unto them … wine, breade, and fish, and so dismissed them the first of Februarie, takine one of their companie along with him, called Nonnez de Silva … The 17[th] day we were right under the line, which is the most fervent place of the burnt Zone: where in the middest of February we susteined such heat, with often thunder and lightnings, that wee did sweate for the most part continually … Here we saw flying fishes in great abundance, some a foote long, some lesse (pp. 151-153).
We ran toward the Southwest, having much foule weather and contrary windes, untill the 12[th] of May … [we] had sight of the land … This land is 47 degrees in latitude. Our Generall named this land, Cape Hope … [we approached shore: our General … saw two naked men … we came back the next day] … hee found certaine foules, as Ostriches, and other sea foules, which the sayd men had newly killed, and laid them on an heape together, as though they had done that for our men of purpose (pp. 154-155).
In the meane[time] while there came about 30 of the countrey people downe to the sea side … shewing themselves very pleasant, insomuch that M. Winter daunced with them. They were exceedingly delight with the sound of the trumpet … They be of a meane stature, well limmed, and of a duskish, tawnie, or browne colour … They be much given to mirth and jollity … They eate rawe flesh, for we found seales bones, the raw flesh whereof they had gnawen with their teeth like dogs. In this bay we watered, and victualed with seales: for there is such plentie that we slew above 200 in the space of one houre upon a little island (pp. 155-156).
[We entered the strait of Magellan] … Here [on S. Georges island] we staied one day and victualled our selves with a kinde of foule which is plentifull in that isle, and whose flesh is not farr unlike a fat goose here in England: they have no wings, but short pineons which serve their turne in swimming … They walke so upright, that a farre off a man would take them to be little children. If a man aproach any thing neere them, they run into holes in the ground whereof the island is full. So that to take them we had staves with hookes fast to the ends, wherewith some of our men pulled them out and others being ready with cudgels did knocke them on the head (pp. 158-159).
[His ship becomes separated from Drake’s] We lost company of M. Drake the same night … we put into the streights againe, where we ankered in an open bay for the space of 2 dayes, and made great fiers on the shore to the end that if M. Drake should come into the streights, hee might finde us. After we went into a sound, where we stayed for the space of 3 weekes and named it The port of Health, for the most part of our men being very sicke with long watching, wet, cold, and evill diet, did here (God be thanked) wonderfully recover their health in short space. Here we had very great muscles (some being 20 inches long) very pleasant meate, and many of them full of seed-pearles (pp. 159-160).
[They passed through the on 11th of November and sailed northeast up the coast of Brazil] wee arrived at an island which lyeth at the mouth of the river Plate. Upon this island there is such an infinite number of seales, as may seeme incredible to any man that hath not bene there, some of them being 16 foote long, not fearing the presence of men … [we sailed north past St. Vincent … sailed on…and ran into a place called Tanay] … Shortely after there came another canoa aboord us with one Portugal and al the rest naked men of the countrey: of whom wee had two small Oxen, one yong Hogge, with ceraine hennes: also Pome-cytrons, limons, oranges, and other fruites of the countrey. For the which our Captaine gave to them, linnen cloth, combes, knives, and other trifles (pp. 160-161).
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Account by M. Luke Ward. Date uncertain. The Voyage Intended Towards China, Wherein M. Edward Fenton was Appointed Generall: Written by M. Luke Ward His Viceadmiral, and Captaine of the Edward Bonaventure, Begun Anno Dom. 1582. pp. 172-202 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
[At Santos] Then went wee to super: and being at supper, certaine Indians came aboord, and brought the generall a strange crow, and potatoes, and sugar canes, to whome he gave looking glasses, great pinns, and biscuit: and so we departed, being late (p. 192).
[Off the coast of Brasil] … we saw the land, which was sandie hilles with woods on it … our boat went ashoare, and our men with some of the Indians brought us twentie barricos more of fresh water … [we] tooke some trifiling things to shoare … at our first arrivall the rude Indians flocked together … First I caused them to fetch 27 barricos of water, whom I rewarded with small bells …f or their hens I gave them a knife, and a smal looking glasse … Thus we got abord with 40 hens, ducks, turkies, and parrats, and three hogsheads [large barrel] of water … we tooke three sharks in the morning … [later] we went our course sometime Northeast, sometime northwest according to the winds: upon this 11[th] day George Coxe one of our Carpenters, having the night before broken up the hold, and stolne wine, and drunken himselfe drunke, being taken in the roome, lept overbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe (pp. 198-199).
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Account by M. John Sarracoll. Date uncertain. The Voyage Set Out by the Right Honourable the Earle of Cumberland, in the Yere 1586. Intended for The South Sea, but Performed No Farther Then the Latitude of 44 Degrees to the South of the Equinoctical [Voyage of Captain Robert Wirthington and Vice-Admirall Christopher Lister]. Written by M. John Sarracoll Marchant in the Same Voyage. pp. 202-227 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
The 17[th day of November wee departed from Sierra Leona, directing our course for the Straights of Magellan. In this harbour [Sierra Leona] diverse of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly, which for the time was extreeme, but God bee thanked, it was but of small continuance. Wee founde also in diverse places of the woods [in Sierra Leone], images set upn pinnes, with diverse things before them, as eggs, meale, rice, round shot of stones, and diverse other things, such as the barbarous people had to offer up. When we came neere to the Line [i.e. the Pope’s line], we found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona, by reason of the great winde and raine … [we made landfall; and there are five townes upon the river of Plate] … The first towne was about 50 leagues up River called Buenos Ayres … the uppermost towne [is] called Tucaman … In these townes is great store of corne, cattell, wine, and sundry fruits … they make a certaine kinde of slight cloth, which they give in trucke of sugar, rice, Marmalade, and sucket, which were the commodities that this shippe had … [a Portuguese] hee tolde mee that the towne of Buenos Ayres is from the Greeneyland about seventie leagues, standing on the southside of the River, and from thence to Santa Fee is 100 leagues, standing on the same side also. At which towne their shippes doe discharge all their goods into small Barkes, which rowe and towe up the River to another towne called Ascension, which is from Santa Fee 150 leagues, where the boats discharge on shoare, and so passe all the goods by carts and horses to Tucaman, which is in Peru. The towne of Ascension stands in a very fertile place, reaping corne twise in the yeere, with abundance of wine, cattell, and fruits (pp. 207-210).
[After problems with food and supplies the captain decided to return to England] The fift day of April we fel with the land of Brasilia … [people came from Camana] Here wee tooke in beefes, hogs, water and wood (p. 215).
[They fought the Portuguese and Indians off the port of Baya] despite … the enemie [our men] brought to our ships 16 or 17 yong bullockes, which was to our great comforts and refreshing (pp. 220).
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Account by Lopez Vaz. Date uncertain. A Discourse of the West Indies and South Sea Written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal, Borne in the Citie of Elvas, Continued Unto the Yere 1587. Wherein Among Diverse Rare Things Not Hitherto Delivered by Any Other Writer, Certain Voyages of Our Englishmen are Truely Reported. pp. 227-290 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
Cartagena: it standeth in a more healthfull place … aboundeth with plentie of victuals … This new kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the land: neither can they travel from Cartagena to this kingdome by land, because of the mountaines and standing waters, which lie in the way, so that they are faine to carry their goods up a river called The great river of Magdalen … In this river are grat abundance of Crocodiles, so hugne and terible to behold … In some places this river is very unhealthfull and full of noysome wormes; but the first place thereupon which the Spaniards doe inhabite called Mompox is exceeding helathfull … This new kingdome of Granada is very fruitfull, and bringeth forth much corne and other ]victuals, and hath many gold-mines, and great quantitie of emeralds … Here are also dwelling many of the Indian people so meeke and gentle of nature, that they are called flies. This land is very plaine and holesome, and the inhabitants are given to peace (pp. 234-236).
[Description of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola] Hispaniola is an Iland of great bigness, and hath bene very full of people, and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles, but now all is wasted away. It was at the Spaniards first coming thither, as full of inhabitants as any place of that bigness in the whole world, yet now there are none left: for they were men of so hard a heart, that they murthered themselves rather then they would serve the Spaniards: for being men under so small civill government as they were, never was there any peole knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes: for oftentimes a great number of them being together over night, they should be found all dead before the morning: such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards, that they chose rather to die the death, then to indure their insolencies … Some of these people are yet living, but very few (pp. 238-239).
This Island of Hispaniola is for the most part called The Ile of Sant Domingo … There are in this citie above eight hundred fire-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth. This Island is unhealthfull, for it raineth here the most part of the yeere. The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar…and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell … This Iland being … destitute of the first inhabitants, and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios, and to look unto their cattell, they were forced to bring Negroes thither out of Guinea [coast of Guinea in west Africa], where they have so increased;, that the Iland is nowe as full of them, as it ws of the naturall inhabitantes; so that the Spaniardes carrie Negroes from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them. The chiefdst victuall that they hafve in this Ialand, is a kinde of roote called Juca, which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death: but first they boyle it and after presse it, and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson: howbeit this roote being pressed so dry, that there remaineth no moisture in it, they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes thereof, which are very savory and good to eat, and this is all the bread which they hve in those Islands (pp. 239-240).
[on pages 243-248 the author gives account of the Pizzaro Amazon expedition under Pedro de Orzua, and the murder of Orzua by Lopez de Agira and Agira’s subsequent travels]..
The coast of Brasill, taking that name from a kinde of wood in the same country, called Brasill-wood … was first discovered by Pedro Alvarez Cabral [who] tooke possession or this land for the king of Portugall: whereupn the king Don Emanuel hearing newes thereof sent presently shippes to discover the whole country, and found it to be part of America otherwise called The West Indies: for which cause there grewe some controversie betweene himn and the king of Spaine: but being kinsmen and great friends one to another, they agreed in the end, that the king of Portugall should holde all the countrey that he had discovered, the which was … from the river of Marannon to the river of Plate; albeit the Spaniards affirme, that it stretcheth no further then the Island of Santa Catelina; whereupn there have risen many controversies betweene the Portugales and Spaniardes, which have cost many men their lives (p. 248).
Most of the naturall inhabitants of this countrey [Brazil] are very rude, and goe starke naked both men and women, and are man-eaters; for which cause they make warres one against another to get men to eate; they are stout and good bow-men … The first place inhabited on this coast beyonde the river of Marannon is called Fernambuck so named by the Indians, but in Portugall it is called Villa de Olinda (p. 249).
The towne of Bayha belongeth to the king, and therefore the governour of all the coast keepeth his residence in the same, as also the bishop. It containeth 1000 houses and 40 Ingenios for sugar, and hath much cotton, but not Brasill-wood at all … There is great plentie of victuals, and although the countrey be hot, yet is it healthfull, and the aire holseome (p. 250).
[From Bayha … to As Ilhas, or The Iles … then Puerto Seguro … then Espirito Santo … then to the river of Jenero…then to the coast of Sant Vincente which hath 4 townes, the greatest whereof is called Santos…then to the Ile of Santa Catelina, then to the straights of Magellan, the coast is very plaine and without woods (pp. 250-252).
[Concerning the River Plata] Sebastian Cabota went up this river 150 leagues, and built a fort … he returned to his ships [not finding gold or silver] and sayled for Spaine. Not many yeeres after a certain Gentleman called Don Pedro de Mendoze … shipped a thousand men, fortie mare, and twentie horses, with all other creatures to inhabite this river: and comming thither he went up into the countrey to see what riches he could there finde, leaving all his stuffe, cattle, and provision at a place called Buenos Ayeres, so named in regard of the freshness of the ayre, and the healthfulness f his men, during their abode there … Don Petro lost eight of his ships, and in the rest he returned for Spaine, saying to his men, that he would go seeke victuals, and so left the grater part of them behinde. In his way homeward he died, and the poore men which he left behind him, for the most part of them died for hunger also, because n that place there were very few Indians, and therefore but small store of victuals, onely they lived by hunting of Deere, and by fishing. Of all the men that Don Pedro left behind him there were but two hundred remaining alive, who in the ship boates went higher up th4e river, leaving in the place called Buenos Ayeres their mares and horses: but it is a wonder to see, that of thirty mares and seven horses which the Spaniards left there, the increase in fortie yeeres was to great, that the countrey is 20 leagues up full of horses; whereby a man may conjecture the goodness of the pasture, and the fruitfuness of the soile. The Spaniards that went up this river passed three hundred leagues, and found the countrey ful of Indians: who had great plenty of victuals, among whom the Spaniards dwelt as their firends, and the Indians bestowed their daughters in marriage upn them, and so they dwelt altogether in one towne, which the Spaniards called La Ascension, and it standeth on the North side of the river … The countrey adjoyning is exceedingly fruitful, abounding with all kinds of victuals, and with sugar and cotton… (pp. 252-254).
[Indians at the strait of Magellan] They [are] mightie men of bodie of ten or eleven foot high, and good bow-men, but no man-eaters, neither have they any victuals, but such as they get by hunting and fishing (p. 256).]
[Description of Inca-Spanish wars] Now this captain Don Diego de Almagro being slaine in the warres of Peru, another called Don Pedro de Baldiva marcing into Chili with foure hundreth horses, easily conquered that half of the countrey which was subject to the kings of Peru … Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God, because of their grat ordinance which made such a noise and breathed out such flames of fire, yeelded themselves unto them. So the Spaniards having divided this province made the Indians to serve their turnes for getting of gold out of the mines … Captain Baldiva caused to inhabite [to found] sixe townes: Villa nueva de la Serena … Sant Iago … La Concepcion … La Imperial … Baldiva … La Villa Rica … In short time [the indians] perceiving that the Spaniards were but mortall men … determined to rebell against them … fiftie of the Indians enterd the fort, betooke themselves to their bowes, arrowes, and clubs, and stood in the gate of the sayd fort … The newes of this overthrow comming to the towne of Concepcion where Captaine Baldiva was, hee presently set foorth with two hundred horsemen to seeke the Indians, taking no more men with him, because he was in haste. And in ta plaine he met the indians, who comming of purpose also to seeke him, and compassing him about, slew most part of his company, the rest escaping by the swiftness of their horses: but Baldiva having his horse slaine under him was taken alive. Whom the Indians wishes to be of a good courage, and to feare nothing; for the cause, said they wy we have taken you, is to give you gold yunough. And having made a grat banquet for him, the last service of all was a cuppe full of melted gold, which the Indians forced him to drinke, saying Now glut thy selfe with gold, and so they killed him. This Baldiva was a most valiant man, who had beene an olde souldier in the warres of Italy, and at the sacking of Rome (pp. 274-277).
This country was called Peru by the Spaniards, of a river so named by the Indians, where they first came to the sight of gold … [from] Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili, stretcheth the land of Peru, for the space of eight hundred leagues: upn sixe hundred whereof from Atacama to Tumbez did never drop of raine fall, since the flood of Noah: and yet it is the fruitfullest land for all kinds of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides. The reson why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low, situate between the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne, there runneth on the West frontier not above twentie leagues form the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof, a mighty ridge of high mountaines covered with snow, the height of which mountaines so draweth the moisture of the cloudes unto it selfe, that no raine falleth upn the vallies of Peru. From these mountaines issue great store of rivers into the South sea, with the waters whereof drawen by certain sluces and chanels they moisten their vineyardes and corne-fields, and by this meanes the land is so exceedingly fruitfull (p. 281).
[In Peru] There are likewise cattell of all sorts, among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel, but no bigger then a steere of a yeere olde; they serve to carry burthens, their flesh being good to eate, and their wooll apt for many purposes. This beast is accounted the most profitable of al others for the use of man: howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming have replenished this countrey with horses, kine [cattle], sheepe, and goates, and likewise with penty of wheat. So that in fewe words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals, and is the healthfullest place in the world (p. 282).
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Account by Master Francis Pretty. Date uncertain. The Admirable and Prosperous Voyage of the Worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countrie of Suffolke Esquire, into the South Sea, and From Thence Round About the Circumference of the Whole Earth, Begun in the Yeere of Our Lord 1586, and Finished 1588. pp. 290-347 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
The 16[th] day of December [1586] we fell with the coast of America … we entred into an harborough … wherefore our Generall named the said harborough Port Desire:in which harborough is an Iland or two, where there is wonderful grat store of Seales … These seales are of a wonderful great bigness, huge, and monstrous of shape … the fore-part of their bodies cannot be compared to any thing better then to a lion … they breed and cast every moneth, giving their yong milke, yet continuall get they their living in the sea, and live altogether upon fish: their yong are marveilous good meate, and being boyled or roasted, are hardly to be knowen from lambe or mutton … Also the fowles that were there, were very good meate, and grat store of them: they have burrowes in the ground like conies, for they cannot flie (pp. 295-296).
The 24[th] of December being Christmas Even … [we went ashore and were shot at by Indians] … for wee followed them, and they ranne from us … Wee tooke the measure of one of their feete, and it was 18 inches long (pp. 296-297).
The 7[th] of January [1587] … betweene the mouth of the Streights [of Magellan] and the narrowest place thereof, wee tooke a Spaniard whose name was Hernando, who was there with 23 Spaniards more, which were all that remayned of four hundred, which were left there three yeeres before in these streights of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine … From the narrowest of the Streights unto Pengwin Island is 10 leagues, and lyeth west southwest some-what to the southward, where wee anchored the 8[th] day and killed and salted great store of Pengwins for victuals. The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Iland, and ranne south southwest to King Philips citie which the Spaniards had built…They had contgrived their Citie very well, and seated it in the best place of the Streights for wood and water … It seemed unto that their whole livng for a grat space was altogether upon muskls and lympits; for there was not any thing else to bee had, except some Deere which came out of the mountaines downe to the fresh rivers to drinke … For during the time that they were there, which was two yeeres at the least [the Spanish] they could never have any thing to growe or in any wise prosper … And … the Indians oftentimes preyed upn them, untilll their victuals grewe so short … that they dyed like dogges in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them still at our comming, untill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the svour of the dead people, the rest which remayned alive were driven to burie such things as they had there in their towne either for provision or for furniture, and so to forsake the towne, and to goe along the sea-side, and seeke their victuals to preserve them from sterving, taking nothing with them, but every man his harquebuze and his furniture that was able to cary it … and so lived for the space of a yeere and more with rootes, leves, and sometimes a foul which they might kill with thier peece … they were determined to have travailed towards the rover of Plate, only being left alive 23 persons, whereof two were women, which were the ramainder of 4 hundred … In this place we watgered and woodded well and quietly. Our Generall named this towne Port famine: it sandeth in 53 degrees by observation to the southward (pp. 298-299).
The 14[th] day we departed from this place and ran south southwest and from thence southwest unto cape Froward … which Cape is the southermost part of all the streights, and standeth in the latitude of 54 degres. From which cape we ran west and by north 5 leagues and put into a bay or Cove on the south side, which we called Muskle-Cove, because there were great store of them … [then to Elizabeth Baye and two leagues from Elizabeth Bay] our Generall went up with the ship-boat about three myles, which river hath very good and pleasant ground about it, and it is lowe and champion soyle … In this river are grat store of Savages which wee sawe, and had conference with them: They were men-eaters, and fedde altogether upn rawe flesh, and other filthie foode: which people had preyed upn some of the Spaniardes before spoken of. For they had gotten knives and peces of Rapiers to make dartes of … we killed many of them … From the river of Saint Jerome … wee ranne west unto a Cape … then northwest by west and northwest … for during this time, which was a full moneth, we fedde almost altogether upon muskles and limpits, and birds, or such as we could get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the fowles of the ayre doe, where they can finde foode, in continuall raynie weather (pp. 300-301).
The 24[th] day of February wee entered the South Sea … [we sailed north to Arauco]. This place which is called Arauco is wonderfull rich and full of golde mynes, and yet could it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards … [we reached Saint Marie Island] our General went on shore [to where the Spanish had erected a Church] And there were about this Church 2 or 3 store houses, which were full of wheate and barley ready threshed … The wheate and barley was as faire, as cleane, and every way as good as any we have in England. There were also the like … of potato rootes, which were very good to eate … This Iland also yeeldeth many sorts of fruits, hogs, and hens … These Indians are held in such slavery by [the Spanish] that they dare not eate a hen or an hogge themselves. But the Spaniards have made them all in that Iland Christians. Thus we fitted our selves here with corne as much as we would have, and as many hogges as we had salt to powder them withall, and grat store of hennes, with a number of bags of Potato rootes, and about 500 dried dogge-fishes, and Guinea wheate, which is clald Maize … Our General had the two [Indian] principals of the Iland aboord our shippe, and provided great cheere for them, and made them merie with wine (pp. 301-303).
The last [day] of March Captaine Havers went up into the Country with 50 or 60 men … [they] espied a number of herdes of cattell, of kine and bullockes which were wonderfull wilde: we saw also great store of horses, mares and coltes which were very wilde and unhandled: there is also great store of hares and conies and plenty of partriges and other wild foules. The countrey is very fruitful with faire fresh rivers all along full of wilde foule of all sorts (p. 305).
[On the 15th of April] wee came thward of a place which is called Morro Moreno … [which] is an excellent good harborough … [we met Indians] … Their diet is raw fish, which stinketh most vilely. And when any of them die, they burie their bowes and arrowes with them, with their canoa and all that they have: for wee opened one of their graves, and saw the order of them (pp. 306-307).
[We found] in a place where the Spaniards had landed, a whole ships lading of botijas of wine of Castilla … [and we] tooke into her as many as she could conveniently carrie (p. 308).
The third of May wee came into a bay where are three little townes, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, where some of landed and tooke certain houses, wherein was brad, wine, figs and hennes: but the sea went so high, that wee could not land at the best of the townes without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all (pp. 309-310).
[Past bay of Paita; we burned the town … past Iland of Puna … to Guaiaquil … to a island near Puna] … This Iland is very pleasant for all things requisite, and fruitful … There are at the lest 200 houses in the towne…There is planted on the one side of the Casiques house a faire garden, with all herbes growing in it … There are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually, also pompions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemarie and thyme, with many other herbes and fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another orchard, where grow orenges sweete and sower, limmons, pomegranates and luymes, with divers other fruits. There is very good pasture ground in this Iland; and withall many horses, oxen, bullockes, sheepe very fat and faire, great store of goates which be very tame, and are used continually to bee milked. They have moreover abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a marvellous bigness (pp. 315-316).
[Past Puna … Rio dolce … river of Copalita … to Aguatulco] … Wee landed there, and burnt their towne, with the church and custome-house which was very faire and large: in which house were 600 bags of anile to dye cloth; every bag whereof was worth 40 crownes, and 400 bags of cacaos: every bag whereof is worth ten crownes (pp. 318-320).
These cacos goe among them for meate and money. For 150 of them are in value one rial of plate in ready payment. They are very like unto an almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste: they eate them, and make drinke of them…After we had spoyled and burnt the towne, wherein there were some hundred houses … we set saile (p. 320).
The sixe and twentie day of August, wee came into the bay of S. Iago, where wee watered at a fresh River, along which river many plantans are growing: here is great abundance of fresh fish (p. 321).
[We burned the town of Acatlan] there were in it about 20 or 30 houses and a Church, which we defaced … Al the people were fled out of the towne at the sight of us … [we came near Chaccalla, landed] … wee took three householders with their wives and children and some Indians, one carpenter which was a Spaniard, and a Portugall, wee bound them all and made them to come to the sea side with us. Our Generall made their wives to fetch us Plantains, Lymmons, and Oranges, Pine-aples and other fruites whereof they had abundance … The twelfth day wee arrived at a little Island called the Isle of Sant Andrewe, on which there is great store of fowle and wood: where wee dryed and salted as many of the fowles as we thought good: wee also killed there abundance of seales, and Iguanos which are a kind of Serpents, with foure feete, and a long sharpe tayle, strange to them which have not seen them; but they are very good meate (p. 322).
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Account of W. Magoths. Date uancertain. A Brief Relation of a Voyage of The Delight, a ship of Bristoll one of the consorts of M. John Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele, made unto the Straight of Magellan: with Diverse Accidents That Happened Unto the Company, During their 6 Weekes Abode There: Begny in the Yeere 1589. pp. 380-384 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
We constantly kept our course according to our directions along the coast of Brasil, and by the River of Plate, without touching any where on land untill we came to Port desire in the latitude of 48 degrees to the southweard of the Equinoctical. Before we arrived at this place there died of our company by Gods visitation of sundry diseases 16 persons. Wee stayed in this harborough 17 dayes to grave our ship and refresh our wearied peple … From hence we sailed toward the Streight of Magelan, and entered the same about the first of January. And coming to Penguin yland within the Streight we tooke and salted certain hogsheads of Penguines, which must be eaten with speed: for wee found them to be of no long continuance; we also furnished our selves with fresh water … by Port famine we spake with a Spaniard, who told us that he had lived in those parts 6 yeeres, and that he was one of the 400 men that were sent thither by the king of Spain in the yere 1582 … wee sent 7 armed men … on land on the North shore [to visit] Savages with certaine white skinnes; who as soone as they came on shore were presently killed by an 100 of the wilde people in the sight of 2 of our men, which rowed them on shoare, which two onely escaped back againe to us with the boat. After this traiterous slaughter of our men, we fell backe again with our ship to the Northeastward of Port famine to a certian road, here we reffeshed our selves with muskles, and took in water … [we could mae no progress through the streight of Magelan and] we had spent 6 weekes in the Streight striving against the furie of the elements [and we lost] partly by sicknes … 38 of our best men and 3 anckers..and [having] small store of victuals [and possibility of mutiny] … we consulted … to returne while there was some small hope remayning: and so set saile out of The Streight homeward about the 14[th] of Februarie 1590 (pp. 382-383).
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Account by J. John Jane. Date uncertain. The Last Voyage of the Worshipfull M. Thomas Candish Esquire, Indended for the South Sea, the Philippinas, and the Coast of China, with 3 Tallk Ships, and Two Barks. pp. 389-416 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
[In the straights of Magellan] In the which time wee indured extreeme stormes, with perpetual snow, where many of our men died with cursed famine, and miserable cold, not having wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their bellies, butg living by muskles, water, and weeds of the sea, with a small relief of the ships store in meale sometimes. And all the sicke men in the Galeon were most uncharitably put a shore into the woods in the snowe, raine, and cold, when men of good health could skarcely indure it, where they ended their lives in the highest degree of misery, master Candish all this whie being abord the [ship] Desire … upn a petition delivered in writing by the chiefe of the whole company, the Generall determined to depart out of The Streights of Magellan, and to return againe for Santos in Brasil … [but they did not go and returned to Port Desire]… where not finding our Generall … wee were strooken into a deadly sorrow … [here] we got muskles in great plentie. Likewise God sent about our shippes great abundance of smelts, so that with hookes made of pinnes every man caught as many as hee coulde eate: by which meanes wee presrved our ships victuals (pp. 392-395).
The 25[th] wee came to an Island in the Streights named Penguine-isle, whither wee sent our boate to seeke relief … When wee were come to this Isle wee sent our boate on shore, which returned laden with birdes and egges … whereat we greatly rejoiced. Then the captain appointed Charles Parker and Edward Smith, with twnety others to go on shore, and to stay upon the Isle, for the killing and druying of those Penguines…But Parker, Smith, and the rest of their faction suspected, that this was a devise of the Captaine to leave his men on shore, that by these meanes there might bee victuals for the rest to recover their countrey [to return home] … [and the Captain said] … revenge is no part of my thought … So there were ten left upon the isle … The third of November our boat with water, wood, and as many as shee could carry, went for the Isle of Penguins … but returned again the same night. Then Parker, Smith, Townesend, Purpet, with five others, desired that they might goe by land, and that the boate might fetch them when they were against the Isle, it being scarce a mile from the shore … They answered, that here were grat store of Deere, and Ostriches … but from that day to this day wee never heard of our men … [they were attacked by Indians] … we judged that these canibals had slaine our 9 men … [later, we returned to the Isle of Penguins and found] that the Penguins dried to our hearts content, and that the multitude of them was infinite … All the time that wee were in this place, we fared passing well with egs, Penguins, yong Seales, young Gulles, besides other bids, such as I know not … In this place we found an herbe called Scurvygrass, which wee fried with egs, using traine oyle in stead of butter. This herbe did so purge ye blood, that it tooke away all kind of swellings, of which many died, and restored us to perfect health of body, so that we were in as good case as when we came first out of England. We stayed in this harbour until the 22[nd] of December, in which time we had dried 20,000 Penguins; and the Captaine, the Master, and my selfe had made some salt, by laying salt water upn the rocks in holes, which in 6 daies would be kerned. Thus God did feed us even as it were with Manna from heaven (pp. 408-411).
So the 22[nd] at night we departed with 14000 dried Penguins, not being abot to fetch the rest, and shaped our course for Brasil. Nowe our captaine rated our victuals, and brought us to such allowance, as that our victuals might last sixe monethes … So the allowance was two ounces and a halfe of meale for a man a day, and to have so twise a weeke, so that 5 ounces did serve for a weeke. Three daies a weeke we had oile, three spoonfuls for a man a day; and 2 dayes in a weeke person, a pint betweene 4 men a day, and every day 5 Penguins for 4 men, and 6 quartes of water for 4 men a day. This was our allowance; wherewith (we praise God) we lived, though weakly, and very feeble (p. 412).
The 30th of January we arrived at the Ile of Placencia in Brasil … [but the houses were all razed and burned to the ground] … Then the cataine went to the gardens, and brought from thence fruits and roots for the company, and came aboord the ship, and brought her into a fine creeke which he had found out … where there was water, and hoopes to trim our caske … The 3[rd of February our men with 23 shot went againe to the gardens, being 3 miles from us upon the North shore, and fetched Cazavi-roots out of the ground, to relieve our company instead of bread; for we spent not of our meale while we staied here … [we were attacked by Indians and Portugales] … [water casks ashore were rotten] so that we could not take in more water than was in our ship, for want of caskes … To depart with 8 tunnes of water in such bad caske was to sterve at sea, and in staying [in Brasil] our case was ruinous. These were hard choices; but being thus perplexed, we made choice rather to fall into the hands of the Lord, then into the hands of men … we came to cape Frio … Some desired to go to Baya and to submit themselves to the Portugales, rather then to die for thirst … it pleased God to send us raine in such plenty, as that we were wel watered, and in good comfort to return. But after we came neer unto the sun, our dried Penguines began to corrupt, and there bred in them a most lothsome and ugly worme of an inch long. This worme did so mightily increase, and devoure our victuals, that there was no reason no hope how we should avoid famine, but be devoured of these wicked creatures: there was nothing that they did not devour, only yron excepted: our clothes, boots, shooes, hats, shirts, stockings: and for the ship they did so eat the timbers, as that we gretly feared they would undoe us, by gnawig through the ships side. Great was the care and diligence of our captain, master, and company to consume [kill; not eat] these vermine, but the more we labored to kill them, the more they increased; so that at last we could not sleepe for them, but they would eate our flesh, and bite like Mosquitoes. In this wofull case [after we had passed the equator to the north] … our men began to fall sick of such a mostrous disease, as I thinke the like was never heard of: for in their ankles it began to swell; from thence in two daies it would be in their breasts, so that they could not draw their breath, and then fell into their cods [testicles]; and their cods and yards [penis] did swell most grievously, and most dreadfuly to behold, so that they could neither stand, lie, nor goe. Whereupon our men grew mad with grief. Our captain with extreme anguish of his soule, was in such wofull case, that he desired only a speedie end, and though he were scarce able to speake for sorrow, yet he perswaded them [the crew] to patience, and to give God thankes … For all this diverse grew raging mad, and some died in most lothsome and furious paine … there was no man in perfect health, but the captaine and one boy … To be short, all our men died except 16, of which there were but 5 able to moove. The captaine was in good health, the master indifferent, captaine Cotton and my self swolne and short winded, yet better then the rest that were sicke, and one boy in health: upon us 5 only the labour of the ship did stand … Thus as lost wanderers upn the sea, the 11[th] of June 1593, it pleased God that we arrived at Bear-haven in Ireland (pp. 412-416).
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Account by Pedro Dias relating procedures for examining Spanish Ship masters and Pilots. Dated 1585. Examen de los maestros y Pilotos, que navegan en las flotas de Espanna para las Indias del mar oceano, escrito por Pedro Dias Piloto, natural de la Isla de la Palma, 1586. pp. 448-457 (in) The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeeres. Edited by Richard Hakluyt. Vol. 11. Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904.
[Examination during the Inquisition!] First they make suit unto the Pilot major [Alonzo de Chiavez] that he would admit them to examinaiton, because they are naturall Spaniards … Hereupn the Pilot major commandeth the party to be examined, to give information that he is a mariner, and well practized n those parts, about which hee desireth to be examined. And then immediately he bringeth five or sixe pilots before examined to give testimonie that he is a good mariner, and sufficient to become a pilot, that he is a Spaniard borne, and that he is not of the race of the Moores, Jewes or Negroes [Luego presenta cinco or seis testigos de los Pilotos examinados, de como es buen marinero, y sufficiente para ser Piloto, y como es natural de los Reynos de Espanna; y que no es de casta de Moro, ni Judeo, ni Negro] (p. 453).